Chapter Two
Independence and
Revolution
Dr. Dan L. Morrill
University of North
Carolina at Charlotte
E-Mail comments to
N4JFJ@aol.com
Alexander Craighead's principal legacy was to instill
among the people of his congregations a fierce
determination to resist the imposition of unwanted
authority from outside the community, especially from
the State capital in New Bern or from London. "Social
historians studying the more than two-century story of
Mecklenburg might well agree that this community's
character has its roots in the independent-mindedness of
her early citizenship," writes LeGette Blythe in his
popular 1961 history of Mecklenburg County. Dramatic
proof of this commitment to noninterference occurred
during the so-called "Sugar Creek War" in 1765, the year
preceding Craighead's death and three years following
the creation of Mecklenburg County from a portion of
Anson County in 1762. Conflict arose when Henry
McCulloh, one of Governor Dobbs's partners in land
speculation and an agent for another absentee property
owner, Lord George Augustus Selwyn assembled a team of
surveyors in the area to determine the boundaries of
Lord Selwyn's land so that the Scots-Irish, many of whom
were squatters, could begin paying the rent that they
lawfully owed but had never attempted to defray.

Grave
of Alexander Craighead
A group of local ruffians, led by Thomas Polk, warned
McCulloh to desist or he would be "tied Neck and heels
and be carried over the Yadkin, and that he might think
himself happy if he got off so." Undeterred, McCulloh
attempted to perform his duties and ordered the "parcel
of blockheads" to stand aside, whereupon the squatters,
their faces blackened, attacked McCulloh's men,
including several members of the locally prominent
Alexander family. Abraham Alexander was "striped from
the nape of his neck to the Waistband of his Breeches,"
declared one participant in this act of defiance.
According to McCulloh, "Jimmy Alexander very near had
daylight let into his skull." McCulloh retreated and
departed for New Bern. Lawlessness succeeded in winning
the day.
William Tryon,
who became Royal Governor in 1765, sought to quell
unrest in the backcountry by settling the outstanding
land disputes. He appointed Thomas Polk and Abraham
Alexander to a two-member commission to study the
issue. Not surprisingly, the commission decided that
McCulloh's and Selwyn's claims were invalid because they
had not attracted a sufficient number of settlers to
their property. Tryon accepted this decision and
proclaimed McCulloh's and Selwyn's proprietorships null
and void. The Proprietors had to sell their land to the
settlers or to the Royal government.
Governor Tryon
donated part of the land formerly belonging to the
Proprietors as the site for a county seat. Abraham
Alexander and Thomas Polk were put in charge of the
creation of the town in 1768, to be named "Charlotte" in
honor of the Queen of Great Britain. Martin Phifer,
leader of the Lutheran community of Dutch Buffalo Creek
in northeastern Mecklenburg, protested the location of
the county seat and labored unsuccessfully to have it
moved. Eventually Buffalo Creek would separate from
Mecklenburg and form Cabarrus County in 1793.
The County
seat was the center of power political power in Colonial
America and in the early years of the United States.
County courts, composed of appointed Justices of the
Peace selected by the Governor, registered deeds, issued
business licenses, collected taxes, and verified wills.
Local courthouses also settled disputes among
residents. The Justices of the Peace appointed local
officers of the court, including the sheriff. One can
understand why Thomas Polk wanted Charlotte to be in
southern Mecklenburg County, where the Scots Irish were
especially strong.
The growing
wealth of Mecklenburg's elite notwithstanding,
deep-seated resentments against the Royal government
continued to exist among the Scots-Irish. A
particularly vexing issue was the status of the
Presbyterian Church. Governor Tryon was most interested
in strengthening the position of the Church of England
in North Carolina. He pressured the colonial
legislative to pass two acts that were galling to the
Scots-Irish. The first assured that tax money would
flow to the Anglicans. The second, the Marriage Act of
1766, denied non-Anglican ministers the right to legally
bind couples in matrimony. To be legitimate, couples
had to pay a fee to the Church of England. The
Presbyterians of Mecklenburg County spoke out vigorously
against the Marriage Act.
The
Mecklenburg Scots-Irish felt slighted again when they
petitioned the colonial legislature in 1770 to establish
a seminary in Charlotte. This was the first institution
of higher learning south of William and Mary. They
proposed to name it Queens College. North Carolina
Statutes forbade the creation of dissenting schools.
Governor Tryon supported the petition because of
Mecklenburg's help in subduing the Regulator movement in
Orange County in 1770, but the King disallowed the
establishment of the school. It closed in 1773.
A
dramatic manifestation of defiance of Royal authority by
the Scots-Irish of Mecklenburg County happened in May
1775. Indeed, this series of incidents has become a
matter of enduring controversy, at least in
Charlotte-Mecklenburg. It is a fascinating story.
Allegedly, a group of leading citizens of Mecklenburg
County drafted and signed the so-called
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence on May 20,
1775, and were therefore the first colonists to break
their legal ties to Great Britain -- fourteen months
before the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia and
approved Thomas Jefferson's more famous Declaration of
Independence that we celebrate every Fourth of July.
It was not until 1819, forty-four years after the
alleged signing of the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence, when Virginia and Massachusetts were
arguing over which of the two states had been first to
break with Great Britain, that U.S. Senator Nathanial
Macon and William Davidson , the latter representing the
Mecklenburg County district in the U.S. House of
Representatives, put forth the astounding claim that the
Scots-Irish of North Carolina were the first to declare
their independence. Thomas Jefferson dismissed it as a
hoax "until positive and solemn proof of its
authenticity shall be produced."
Even its staunchest defenders admitted that no copy of
the actual document existed. "Nearly all of my
father's papers," declared a son of John McKnitt
Alexander , "were burned in the spring of 1800." A
document was supplied, but it was John McKnitt
Alexander's account of what transpired in May 1775, not
the actual Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence
itself. To bolster their case, supporters of the
so-called "Meck Dec" interviewed several signers, all of
whom had attained advanced age by the time they were
asked to search their memories. These elderly
gentlemen, mostly Presbyterians, all agreed that they
had attended a meeting in May 1775 but could not recall
the exact date. William Polk, son of Thomas Polk,
published a pamphlet containing these testimonials and
declared the matter settled. In 1825, a large crowd
gathered in Charlotte on the 50th anniversary of the
alleged signing of the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence and heard it read by Reverend Humphrey
Hunter of the Presbyterian Church. What further proof
could one want?
Trouble for the backers of the "Meck Dec" surfaced in
1838. An archivist uncovered an article in the July 12,
1775, issue of a Massachusetts newspaper that reproduced
a series of resolutions that had reportedly been drawn
up in Charlotte on May 31, 1775. Unlike the Mecklenburg
Declaration of Independence,
the Mecklenburg Resolves expressed the hope that the
exercise of independent authority by officials of
Mecklenburg County would end if Great Britain would
"resign its unjust and arbitrary pretensions with
respect to America." This was a remarkable display of
defiance, but it was not an unequivocal pronouncement
that the people of Mecklenburg County were "free and
independent." Any doubt about the authenticity of the
Mecklenburg Resolves disappeared in 1847, when scholars
found the entire text published in the South Carolina
Gazette of June 13, 1775. No such contemporary
verification of the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence has ever come to light.
The fact that the leaders of Mecklenburg County backed a
conditional separation from British rule just eleven
days after they allegedly declared their independence
seems oxymoronic. Also, none of the participants who
was interviewed years after the dramatic events of May
1775 made any mention of the Mecklenburg Resolves. One
cannot help but wonder whether these aged men remembered
the meeting where the Mecklenburg Resolves was signed,
not the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.
Defenders of the authenticity of the "Meck Dec" have
labored tirelessly to prove their case. They note that
a diarist in the Moravian settlement at Salem, now part
of Winston Salem, recorded in June, 1775 that the
citizens of Mecklenburg County had "unseated all
Magistrates and put Select Men in their places." The
bearer of this news to the Moravians was
Captain James Jack, who did deliver a document or
documents to North Carolina representatives to the
Continental Congress then meeting in Philadelphia. The
question is what did Captain Jack have in his satchel,
the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, the
Mecklenburg Resolves, or both? The preponderance of
evidence suggests that it was the Mecklenburg Resolves.
Captain Jack, for example, traveled through Salisbury
when the court was in session in early June, 1775. The
timing of his arrival in Rowan County is congruous with
May 31st, not May 20th when the Mecklenburg Declaration
of independence was purportedly signed.
Supporters of the legitimacy of the "Meck Dec" have
pointed with special pride to the fact that the date "
May 20, 1775," appears on the North Carolina flag. But
politicians, not historians, put it there. On May 20,
1861, North Carolina seceded from the United States of
America and became part of the Confederate States of
America. The State Convention put both dates on the
state flag to underscore its contention that the same
"opposition to tyranny" that had produced the American
Revolution also gave rise to the Civil War. The date
"May 20, 1861" was removed from the state flag in 1885,
but "May 20, 1775" was retained.
According to Chalmers Davidson, Professor of
History and later archivist at Davidson College,
Archibald Henderson provided the strongest evidence for
the authenticity of the "Meck Dec." A member of the
faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill, Henderson launched his campaign in 1919. He
calculated that the news of the Battle of Lexington
outside Boston had arrived in Charlotte on May 19th, the
date when the heads of Mecklenburg militia units and
other leaders had supposedly gathered to consider an
appropriate course of action in light of this auspicious
news and the day preceding the signing of the
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. "The evidence
is as good that it did happen as that it didn't happen,"
Chalmers Davidson told this writer in an interview in
the 1980s.
Backers of the "Meck Dec." were overjoyed in 1905 when
Colliers Magazine published what purported to be
a facsimile of the June 3, 1775, edition of the Cape
Fear Mercury of Wilmington, N.C. There for
everybody to see was a contemporary reference to the
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. Definitive
proof seemed at hand. "Here at last was the
contemporary documentation that skeptics and scoffers
had been demanding for years," writes Richard N. Current
in his 1977 article on the "Meck Dec." in the North
Carolina Historical Review. Supposedly found in a
trunk of a diplomat who had stolen it, the issue of the
newspaper turned out to be hoax. Alas, there was still
no definitive proof of the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence.
The controversy over the "Meck Dec." is unending.
Despite solid evidence produced against it by a
distinguished list of scholars, including Charles
Phillips, James C. Welling, William Henry Hoyt, and R.
D. W. Connor , supporters of the genuineness of the
document are unyielding. Dr. Edward S. Perzel of the
University of North Carolina at Charlotte, a
disbeliever, knows what it is like to be a skeptic.
"This is very, very serious to a lot of people here," he
declared. "When they figure out who I am, they're just
not nice."
The residents of Mecklenburg County have held many May
20th festivals over the years to mark the alleged
signing of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.
The largest was the Centennial Anniversary in 1875. As
reported by one source, 40,000 people gathered in an
around the Square at Trade and Tryon Streets to observe
a parade, fireworks, horse races, a hundred-gun salute,
and cockfights between North and South Carolina birds.
Former Governor William Alexander Graham, whose father
claimed to have seen the events of May 19 and May 20,
1775, gave the principal address. Graham insisted that
the "oral evidence of living witnesses" provided
sufficient proof for any fair-minded person. President
Woodrow Wilson participated in the festivities on May
20, 1916. President Dwight Eisenhower came in 1954.
The most recent grand celebration of the "Meck Dec."
occurred on the occasion of its Bicentennial in 1975. A
local citizen was hired to impersonate Captain James
Jack. The hapless fellow was even dispatched up I-85 on
horseback to carry the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence to Philadelphia. What a ride!
Every May 20th a small group of dedicated citizens from
the Mecklenburg Historical Association, the local
historic society, gathers at the monument that was
erected in 1898 in Uptown Charlotte by the defenders of
the document. It is a poignant scene. Most
Charlotteans drive by in their sleek automobiles and
take no notice of what is transpiring. Someone reads
the "Meck. Dec.," and a wreath is laid at the base of
the obelisk. Then the faithful disperse and resume the
routine of daily living, only to return for another
brief ceremony 365 days later.
Let's make one thing clear. One cannot demonstrate
conclusively that the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence is a fake. The dramatic events of May 19th
and May 20th could have happened. Ultimately, it is a
matter of faith, not proof. You believe it or you don't
believe it. One cannot help but wonder, however, what
interest there would be in proclaiming the authenticity
of the "Meck Dec." if the British and Tories, the local
supporters of King George, had prevailed in the American
Revolutionary War instead of the other way around?
Happily, such considerations are the responsibility of
philosophers, not historians.
In this writer's opinion, the most unfortunate
consequence of placing so much emphasis upon the
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence is that little
attention has been focused upon the Mecklenburg Resolves
of May 31st. It was a bold and radical document that
reflected the political beliefs that Alexander Craighead
had planted and nurtured among the Scots-Irish of the
Yadkin-Catawba territory. "The Presbyterians of
Mecklenburg County," writes H. Beau Bowers in his M.A.
Thesis at UNCC , "owed much to the Reverend Alexander
Craighead and his unique mix of Old World
Presbyterianism and New Side Theology." Josiah Martin,
Royal Governor of North Carolina, opined that the
resolves "surpass (sic.) all the horrid and treasonable
publications that the inflammatory spirits of this
Continent have yet produced." "The Mecklenburg Resolves
placed its supporters at the forefront of colonial
resistance in 1775," Bowers maintains. North Carolina's
delegates to the Continental Congress regarded the
Mecklenburg Resolves as excessive and "premature" and
decided not to reveal its contents to their compatriots
meeting in Philadelphia.
There is no controversy concerning Mecklenburg County's
pivotal role in the American Revolutionary War. In
1780-1781 British and Tory troops invaded the Carolina
hinterland and brought the war literally to Charlotte's
doorstep. Indeed, one can reasonably contend that the
most important events in Mecklenburg County from a
national perspective occurred during those few fateful
months in 1780 and 1781 when the success of the effort
by the American colonies to defy British authority hung
in the balance.
In 1778, a complex combination of considerations induced
the British government to make the South the main arena
of military operations. Uppermost in King George III's
mind was the assumption that by sending a large army to
Georgia and the Carolinas he could encourage the Tories
to come out in large numbers. On December 29, 1778,
Savannah fell to the redcoats; and Charleston suffered a
similar fate on May 12, 1780. Charles Cornwallis, the
newly-appointed commander of the British army in the
South, was then instructed to take his troops inland and
provide protection for the backers of the King. Among
his subordinate officers was Banastre Tarleton, a highly
aggressive commander of cavalry who inflicted a
devastating and controversial defeat on Colonel Abraham
Buford's Continental troops in the Waxhaws on May 29th.
 |
|
Charles
Cornwallis 1738-1805 |
Any realistic expectations that the Patriots or Whigs
could stop Cornwallis from having his way in the
Carolina backcountry appeared to end on August 16th in
the pine forests outside Camden, South Carolina, where
Cornwallis and Tarleton overwhelmed General Horatio
Gates's force in a bloody, frontal assault. There was no
denying the enormity of the defeat. Sent to block the
British advance and recapture Charleston, Gates had
instead suffered a humiliating setback and had left his
men behind to wander about in small groups with no
instruction where to gather. Only about 700 dispirited
Continentals, regular troops, finally joined Gates in
Hillsborough, North Carolina.
The people of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County faced an
ominous threat in the late summer and early fall of
1780. Regardless of their political leanings -- there
were plenty of Tories and even more potential Tories in
Charlotte and its environs -- local folks recognized
that a powerful occupying force was about to come into
their midst. It was one thing for local farmers to join
with their neighbors in signing the Mecklenburg
Resolves. It was quite something else for them to pick
up their rifles and resist Cornwallis's army that was
fast approaching from the southeast. No doubt many
serious conversations were held in the scattered log
homes of Mecklenburg County in those fateful weeks when
everybody anticipated the imminent arrival of the
British army. The reasons for someone becoming a Whig
or a Tory continued to be complex and highly personal.
 |
|
Nathaniel
Greene |
Cornwallis and his 2300 men marched out of Camden on
September 8, 1780. The initial British objective in
North Carolina was Charlotte and Mecklenburg County,
where numerous gristmills along its fast-flowing creeks
would allow Cornwallis to replenish his supplies before
proceeding on to Salisbury and eventually to
Hillsborough. Opposing him was General William Lee
Davidson , commander of the patriot militia in western
North Carolina following the capture of General Griffith
Rutherford at Camden. A 35-year-old former Indian
fighter, Davidson had seen extensive service under
General George Washington before returning to Rowan
County in 1780. Determined to slow down the British
advance, Davidson dispatched William R. Davie and a
small force of mounted militiamen into the Waxhaws to
torment the redcoats. Davie, a South Carolinian, did
just that. At daylight on September 20th, he led his
men on a daring strike at Wahab's Plantation in what is
now Union County. The British army, however, moved
inexorably toward Charlotte.
 |
| William R.
Davie |
Cornwallis reached Charlotte late in the morning of
September 26, 1780. Davidson had ordered Davie's
militia, assisted by local irregular troops commanded by
Joseph Graham , for whom Graham Street in Uptown
Charlotte is named, to fight a delaying action.
Outnumbered about ten to one, Davie's small force of
about 300 men looked southward down Tryon Street from
the courthouse, then located in the middle of
Charlotte, and waited for Cornwallis's redoubtable army
to appear. Apprehension and disquietude must have
permeated the scene.
According to Davie, Charlotte was a town containing
"about twenty Houses built on two streets which cross
(sic.) each other at right angles in the intersection of
which stands the Court-House." Graham described the
structure as "a frame building raised on eight brick
pillars ten feet from the ground, which was the most
elevated in the place." A rock wall some three and a
half feet high extended between the pillars so that the
local residents could use the ground beneath the
courthouse as a marketplace.
Davie placed some of his soldiers behind the rock wall
beneath the courthouse and sent others down Tryon Street
to hide among the fences, houses, and outbuildings to
protect his flanks. It was not long before sentries
road into Charlotte with the news that the redcoats and
Tories were about to enter the town. The rolling of
drums could be heard in the distance. The first to
arrive were the green-coated cavalrymen of Tarleton's
Legion. Tarleton was ill, so command of the unit fell to
the rakish Major George Hanger . " . . . the legion was
forming at the distance of three hundred yards with a
front to fill the street, and the light infantry on the
flank," Davie declared in his official report issued
following the battle. Convinced that the patriot
militia could be easily dislodged, Hanger ordered his
men to gallop pell-mell toward the courthouse, swords
swinging menacingly overhead. Davie instructed the
militia to hold their fire until the last moment.
A
sheet of flame announced the presence of the patriots
behind the rock wall beneath the courthouse. Stunned by
a well-executed volley, Hanger and his men turned back,
leaving several horses writhing in agony in the street.
A second attempt also failed. Davie was exultant.
"They were again well received by the militia and
galloped off in the utmost confusion," the patriot
commander declared. Unable to protect his flanks against
the sheer number of troops that Cornwallis could throw
against him, Davie eventually had to order his militia
to mount their horses and retreat northward on Tryon
Street toward Salisbury. In keeping with the military
tactics of the day, the Tory cavalry vigorously pursued
the departing patriots in order to prevent them from
forming another battle line and delivering an effective
volley. The Tories caught up with George Locke, a young
lad from Rowan County, swooped down upon and cut his
body to pieces.

Monument erected by the DAR, in remembrance of
fallen Revolutionary War soldier.

A
marker in the median of Tryon Street just south of its
intersection with the connector road from I-85
commemorates Locke's death. Almost nobody knows that
it is there. Joseph Graham , who commanded Davie's rear
guard, was severely wounded. The patriots suffered five
killed and six wounded in the Battle of Charlotte. The
British reported their losses at twelve killed and
wounded. Charlotte is the only town in North Carolina
that had a Revolutionary War engagement fought in its
very heart.
Charles Cornwallis and his army encamped in
Charlotte from September 26th until October 12th. The
British were not surprised when they found it to be an
inhospitable place. "It was evident," said Tarleton,
"and it had frequently been mentioned to the King's
officers, that the counties of Mecklenburg and Rohan
(sic.) were more hostile to England than any others in
America." Davie and his militiamen continuously
harassed the foraging parties that Cornwallis dispatched
into the dense forests that surrounded Charlotte to
gather food and supplies from local farms and grist
mills. The British attempted in vain to win the support
of the people of Mecklenburg County. Davie reported
that a large contingent of redcoats and Tories marched
"in the direction of the Catawba, near Tuckasegie Ford"
According to the patriot commander, the enemy was
"cajoling and flattering the people to take Paroles."
Cornwallis's efforts to pacify the local population were
unsuccessful, causing the British to label Mecklenburg
County a "Hornets' Nest." One particularly unpleasant
episode for the redcoats and Tories occurred in the
first week of October at McIntyre's Farm on Beatties
Ford Road. Some 300 troops, marching toward a grist
mill on Long Creek near Hopewell Presbyterian Church ,
were engaged in gathering livestock and farm produce
along the way. "Some . . . horses were harnessed to the
farm wagons, and parties began to load them with the
various products of the fields," writes one scholar.
Local farmers had been warned of the approach of the
enemy and were laying in ambush in the woods bordering
the farm with rifles in hand. Incensed when the
redcoats and Tories "shouted joyously amidst their
plunder," the farmers opened fire on their unsuspecting
victims and sent them scurrying back to Charlotte. "A
large number of the dragoons were shot down," reported
one observer. "The leading horses in the wagon were
killed before they could ascend the hill." Militiamen
followed the enemy most of the way back to town, taking
up position in the woods all along the way and making
life miserable for the Cornwallis's soldiers.
A
far greater calamity for the British happened on the
afternoon of October 7, 1780, at the Battle of Kings
Mountain about thirty miles southwest of Charlotte.
Patrick Ferguson, an athletic man of slight build and
one of the best professional soldiers in the British
army, was killed and his entire force of some 900 men
were shot dead or captured by a roughly equal contingent
of Patriot militiamen. " . . . never was the trite
apothegm that the greatest events often proceed from
little causes more fatally confirmed than by the
present check," said Henry Clinton , British commander
in North America. The snorting hogs, circling buzzards,
and howling wolves that infested the macabre hilltop the
day after this horrific engagement sent a terrifying but
unmistakable warning to many Loyalists who dared to take
up arms for the King.
One important consequence of the major setback at Kings
Mountain was that Cornwallis decided to retreat into
South Carolina and await reinforcements from
Charleston. He took his army to Winnsboro. The respite
for the people of Mecklenburg County from the
Revolutionary War was not long-lasting, however.
Nathanael Greene rode into Charlotte on December 2,
1780, and assumed command of the Continental Army of the
South, which General Gates had recently brought to town.
"The appearance of the troops was wretched beyond
description, and their distress, on account of
provisions, was little less than their sufferings for
want of clothing and other necessities," Greene
proclaimed. A former Quaker from Rhode Island and
George Washington 's favorite subordinate, the new
commander was also concerned about the lack of
self-control he found among the soldiers in Charlotte.
"General Gates had lost the confidence of the officers,"
Greene explained, "and the troops all their discipline,
and they have been so addicted to plundering that they
were a terror to the inhabitants." To demonstrate his
resolve to restore proper comportment among his troops,
Greene had a wayward soldier publicly hanged in the town
square of Charlotte as an example to the others. "New
lords, new laws," said one eyewitness.
In December 1780, an impressive coterie of combatants
walked up the courthouse stairs in Charlotte, their
swords clanking against the wooden risers. There was
Colonel William Washington , second cousin of George
Washington . Greene also conversed with Colonel John
Eager Howard of Maryland and General Isaac Huger
(pronounced "u-gee") of South Carolina. The most
famous of Greene's subordinate officers at Charlotte was
the volatile but unsurpassed tactician Brigadier General
Daniel Morgan . A resident of the Virginia frontier,
Morgan was a boisterous, coarse, irreverent, and rowdy
backwoodsman. "Outsiders in particular found Morgan a
dangerous man to cross," writes historian Don
Higginbotham. In one "mass brawl" in a tavern near
Winchester, Virginia., Morgan and his friends had
overpowered their adversaries by "resorting to kicking,
biting, and gouging."
After listening to the advice of his fellow officers,
Greene sat at a table in the Mecklenburg County
Courthouse in the heart of Charlotte and finalized his
plan of military operations. He realized that his army
could not remain in Mecklenburg County because troops
from both sides had picked the countryside clean.
Defying the dictum that one should never divide an army
in the face of a superior enemy, Greene left Charlotte
with the larger part of his army on December 16th and
marched to a new camp just across the Pee Dee River from
Cheraw, South Carolina. He placed the rest of his
troops under the control of the always resourceful
Morgan. The Old Waggoner led his soldiers out of
Charlotte on December 20th and headed westward across
the Catawba and Broad Rivers.
Morgan's troops won a decisive victory over a British
and Tory army headed by Banastre Tarleton at Cowpens in
upper South Carolina on January 17, 1781. Cornwallis
then set out from Winnsboro in an effort to catch
Morgan's troops before they could cross the Catawba and
join up with Greene's soldiers who were retreating
northward through Salisbury. The British marched
through Lincoln County and reached Cowan's Ford at the
opposite shore from Mecklenburg County shortly after
Morgan and his men had reached the other side.
Nathanael Greene had ridden with an aide and two
cavalrymen through 120 miles of Tory-infested
territory. He arrived in Morgan's camp on January 30,
1781. On the same day, the waters of the Catawba
receded enough to allow Cornwallis to begin making plans
to cross the river. Greene ordered William Lee Davidson
to delay the British advance while Morgan and his troops
dashed for Salisbury and the Trading Ford on the Yadkin
River.
Joel Jetton, a patriot militiaman, awoke suddenly on the
morning of February 1st at Cowan's Ford, when he heard
the whinnying of horses and the sloshing of water
somewhere out out on the river. Grabbing his rifle, he
ran to the edge of the water and peered into the misty
half-light of dawn. Coming straight at him were three
mounted British officers in resplendent scarlet and
white uniforms and hundreds of redcoats. "The British!
The British!" Jetton yelled as he scurried up the bank
and awoke his startled compatriots. The militia opened
fire, making the muddy waters of the Catawba turn red
with British blood.
The gunfire caused General Davidson to rush to Cowan's
Ford , where he began rallying the militia and
organizing reinforcements. The British, who had now
gained the shore in sufficient strength to deliver
volleys, fired their muskets at the patriots. A musket
ball penetrated Davidson's chest, killing him
instantly. Thereafter, any semblance of resistance on
the part of the militia evaporated, as young and old
alike fled for their lives. The British officially
claimed that they suffered three killed and thirty-six
wounded at Cowan's Ford. The actual figures were
probably considerably higher. "A great number of the
British dead were found on Thompson's fish dam, and in
his trap, and numbers lodged on brush. . . . the river
stunk with dead carcasses, the British could not have
lost less than one hundred men," claimed one militiaman.
Davidson's ultimate sacrifice paid great dividends for
Greene and Morgan. It gave the patriot army the
critical head start it needed to reach the Yadkin at the
Trading Ford, seven miles beyond Salisbury, and get
across the river in boats before the first elements of
Cornwallis's army arrived there on the night of February
3rd. Frustrated because the Yadkin River was out of its
banks and because he had no boats to cross it,
Cornwallis, who got to the Trading Ford on February 4th,
could do little more than fire an occasional artillery
shell at Greene's camp, which he could clearly make out
with an unaided eye on the opposite shore of the Yadkin.
 |
Mecklenburg County was no longer to be affected directly
by the American Revolutionary War. As the tide of battle
surged back into South Carolina and eventually into
Virginia, where Cornwallis was entrapped at Yorktown and
forced to surrender his army to General George
Washington on October 19, 1781, the farmers of the
Carolina Piedmont returned to the performance of their
daily chores. They fed chickens. They shucked corn.
They slaughtered hogs. Even the formal end of
hostilities and recognition of the United States of
America by Great Britain on September 3, 1783, did
little to alter the humdrum lifestyles of the residents
of Mecklenburg County.
The great majority of the early settlers of
Mecklenburg County scratched out a meager living in the
fields they labored to keep free from unwanted trees.
Their humble log dwellings have long succumbed to
insects or the hands of man. These subsistence farmers
grew what they ate and made what they wore. The staple
crop they raised on the land they owned or rented was
corn, either eaten directly or indirectly after it had
been used as fodder for the animals, mainly pigs. Some
farmers did raise livestock that they turned loose to
graze on the open range of the Piedmont and herded
periodically for drives to coastal markets. Some corn
was distilled into whiskey and sold. But most settlers
knew nothing about commercial agriculture. They were
poor and malnourished. Infectious diseases like
measles, influenza, whooping cough, and dysentery could
easily take anyone away. Go to the cemeteries of the
oldest Presbyterian Churches in Mecklenburg County, such
as Providence, Steele Creek, Hopewell, Sugaw Creek, and
Philadelphia, and you will encounter the numerous graves
of infants and of women who died in childbirth. The
"good old days" were not so good.

There were a
few people of considerable wealth living in Mecklenburg
County in the Colonial era. One was Hezekiah Alexander
, whose imposing rock house erected in 1774 off what is
now Shamrock Drive is the most impressive remnant of the
local built or man-made environment of the Colonial
era. The Hezekiah Alexander House is now administered by
the
Charlotte Museum of History. In 1767, Alexander, a
blacksmith by trade, sold his property in Pennsylvania
and moved to Mecklenburg County, where he already owned
land and where he had influential relatives.
Recognizing that more and more settlers were moving into
the Yadkin-Catawba territory, Alexander employed his
sons and nephews as teamsters and had them haul
Mecklenburg's cash crops, mainly flour, cattle, furs,
and pinkroot (a drug used to treat hookworm), to
Philadelphia, where they were traded for manufactured
goods and slaves. The return of the wagons would assure
Alexander a hefty profit. Alexander's slaves were also
essential for his business enterprises.
Men
like Hezekiah Alexander and Thomas Polk represented a
small but influential elite of artisan-planters in early
Mecklenburg County. In addition to farming, members of
this class built mills and ferries, operated taverns,
and financed purchases by their neighbors. Slaves were
a symbol of social status on the colonial frontier.
Thomas Polk and his kin owned eighty-one slaves. The
largest slaveowner was Adam Alexander, who held 55
people in bondage.


Location Of
Robinson Rock House Ruin
A
smaller and lesser known rock house is now a ruin deep
in the woods at Reedy Creek Park. It is the John
Robinson House , possibly built as early as 1783.
Another old home, also constructed in the 1780s, is the
Kerr House on Arlington Church Road in eastern
Mecklenburg County, which has been substantially
altered. Its initial owner was a veteran of the
American Revolutionary War, as was Major John Davidson ,
who erected an imposing brick home, called
Rural Hill , on Neck Road in northwestern
Mecklenburg County in 1788. The house at Rural Hill
burned in 1886, and only the ghost-like columns of its
once-grand portico remain. Tradition holds that General
William Lee Davidson spent the night before the Battle
of Cowan's Ford at Davidson's first house at Rural
Hill. Hugh Torance , a peddler from Salisbury, married
a Revolutionary War widow and built a log home on Gilead
Road in 1779. It is now part of the Hugh Torance House
and Store, a public historic site. More about him
later.
The largest landholder in Colonial Mecklenburg
was Thomas Polk , whose house stood on the northeastern
corner of the courthouse square in Charlotte. "Polk's
name appears throughout the deed records for the county,
buying and selling tracts that would eventually amount
to a personal holding of over 15,000 acres," writes
historian H. Beau Bowers. Like most of Mecklenburg's
elite, Polk also owned slaves. "In a backcountry not
noted for large-scale agriculture or the presence of
bonded labor," Bowers asserts, "the possession of slaves
stood out, almost as noticeably as stone houses, as one
indicator of an individual's wealth."
The members of Mecklenburg County's elite also dominated
the political and cultural life of the community. This
was true both before and after the American Revolution.
As immigrants continued to flood into the Yadkin-Catawba
territory, pushing the population of Mecklenburg County
upward to 11,395 in 1790, the wealthier residents made
sure that the social system they dominated remained
intact. Hezekiah Alexander was an elder at Sugaw Creek
Presbyterian Church. His cousin Abraham Alexander , who
was also a large slaveholder in the county, was a
founder of
Steele Creek Presbyterian Church . Hezekiah's
brother John McKnitt Alexander , whose copy of the
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence allegedly
burned in 1800, was an elder at Hopewell Presbyterian
Church and a member of the State legislature. Robert
Irwin, an ally of the Alexanders and the Polks, was an
elder at Steele Creek Presbyterian Church and a State
senator from 1778 until 1784.

Grave of Thomas Polk
Old Settlers Cemetery
Mecklenburg did receive a famous visitor in 1791. He
was General and former President George Washington.
Arriving in the middle of the afternoon of May 28th,
Washington was on an extended tour of the South.
"During the late war, if my information be correct, the
inhabitants were true to the cause of their country, and
brave in its defense," the former President told a
member of the party that was sent out to meet him. Lots
of folks gathered in Charlotte to greet their
illustrious guest. So many came that not a few had to
sleep in their covered wagons. Thomas Polk , the
wealthiest man in town, hosted a big party in the yard
of his Federal style house on the Square. Washington
spent the night in an Inn on West Trade Street operated
by a Captain Cook .
Washington departed from Charlotte the next morning and
began his journey to Salisbury. The festivities of the
previous day notwithstanding, the President was
evidently not impressed with Charlotte. Writing in his
diary, he called it "a trifling place." Maybe it was,
but two events of the 1790s, one national in scope and
the other regional, were to inaugurate a period of
unprecedented economic growth in Charlotte and
Mecklenburg County. One was the invention of the cotton
gin by Eli Whitney in 1793. The other was the
discovery of gold by a teenager named Conrad Reed in
1799.